By Rachel R. Chapman
In the back of a thatched hut, a birthing girl bleeds to dying basically mins from "life-saving" maternity care. Chapman starts with the deceptively uncomplicated query, "Why do not ladies in Mozambique use present prenatal and maternity services?" then widens her research to incorporate a complete universe of cultural, political, and monetary forces. Fusing cultural anthropology with political economic system, Chapman vividly demonstrates how neoliberalism and the expanding value of the marketplace have ended in altering sexual and reproductive techniques for women.Pregnant herself in the course of her learn, Chapman interviewed eighty three girls while pregnant and postpartum. She found that the social kinfolk surrounding conventional Shona practices, Christian religion therapeutic, and Western biomedical remedies are as very important to women's offerings because the efficacy of the treatments.
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Extra resources for Family Secrets: Risking Reproduction in Central Mozambique
Solving the problem of maternal morbidity and mortality, then, is not merely an epidemiological project, as Mozambique’s plan for addressing it implies. As Soheir Morsy (1995a: 172) observes: “The project that poses a greater challenge as an object of intellectual discourse, not to mention as a framework for political activism, transcends the disentanglement of primary determinants of maternal mortality from webs of epidemiological variables. ” Indeed, there is no mystery about what causes maternal mortality in Mozambique or anywhere else.
To address maternal mortality, Mozambique joined the international effort and implemented its own Safe Motherhood Initiative (SMI). S. Agency for International Development (USAID), both well known for their protracted institutional commitment to population control in the third world (Alexander 1990; Hartmann 1987; Mass 1976), and their enthusiastic policy support for vertical medical programming like SMI. This support, however, also represented a powerful means of pushing a population control agenda on thirdworld governments by tying much-needed aid for maternal-child health services to successful implementation of family-planning programs.
I returned several times during my remaining months in Mozambique, but never found the woman. Not knowing the ending to that story, I am left with questions, secrets, silence, and a stream of hypotheses about why so-called high-risk women underÂ�utilize reproductive health services. Searching for answers has kept me on the road to Mucessua. 35 Chapter 2 The Road to Mucessua Radical hope first drew me to Mozambique. In 1989, I was active in the anti-apartheid movement in Los Angeles, California, where I worked with a local branch of a national grassroots organization, the Mozambique Support Network.
Family Secrets: Risking Reproduction in Central Mozambique by Rachel R. Chapman