By Dorothy L. Hodgson
What occurs to marginalized teams from Africa after they best friend with the indigenous peoples' move? Who claims to be indigenous and why? Dorothy L. Hodgson explores how indigenous id, either in thought and in perform, performs out within the context of monetary liberalization, transnational capitalism, nation restructuring, and political democratization. Hodgson brings her lengthy event with Maasai to her realizing of the transferring contours in their modern struggles for acceptance, illustration, rights, and assets. Being Maasai, turning into Indigenous is a deep and delicate mirrored image at the probabilities and bounds of transnational advocacy and the dilemmas of political motion, civil society, and alter in Maasai groups.
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Extra resources for Being Maasai, Becoming Indigenous: Postcolonial Politics in a Neoliberal World
14 Some African NGOs, such as the Maa Development Association, and certain African activists participated steadily over the years, while other groups and individuals came and went. 16 The original mandates of the UN Working Group were to: (a) Review developments pertaining to the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous peoples . . 17 Becoming Indigenous in Africa 33 The UN Working Group was composed of five independent experts from the Sub-Commission, who were elected to represent what the UN considered the five geographic regions of the world at the time (Africa, Asia, Latin America, Eastern Europe, Europe [including the United States, Australia, and New Zealand]).
7 In 1990 in an article in the annual IWGIA Yearbook, Espen Wæhle, an IWGIA board member, argued for the applicability of the concept of “indigenous” “in a structural sense” to certain African groups (Wæhle 1990). Echoing Parkipuny’s speech to the UN Working Group, he described three key parallels between African political struggles and those of recognized indigenous peoples: “1) the assertion of group rights which parallels ethnic/indigenous assertion of rights elsewhere; 2) the grave situation of human rights in many parts of Africa (also in the sense of collective group rights); and 3) African concerns for self-development and self-determination” (Wæhle 1990:147).
Whatever their need to project and promote essentialist images of themselves, indigenous peoples, like peoples everywhere, are differentiated by gender, generation, education, religion, class, and a variety of other factors. These social differences may also reflect political differences in approach and strategy to the question of indigenous identities and rights and may even be institutionalized in competing political factions, parties, or organizations. The question, therefore, is whose interests do we choose to represent?
Being Maasai, Becoming Indigenous: Postcolonial Politics in a Neoliberal World by Dorothy L. Hodgson